Webb Therapy Uncategorized Treatment-resistant Substance Use Disorder

Treatment-resistant Substance Use Disorder

There continues to be an ongoing gap between how addiction gets treated and how it actually works.

Knowledge and behaviour are handled by different systems. Insight lives largely in the prefrontal cortex — the part of the brain that plans, weighs consequences, and holds “I know this is bad for me.” But addiction increasingly reshapes subcortical circuits involved in craving, habit, and stress reactivity. Under cue exposure or stress, those older circuits can override the newer, knowledge-holding ones. This is why someone can recite their relapse triggers perfectly in a therapist’s office or recount pages of 12-step literature from memory and still act against that knowledge the moment they’re actually standing in the triggering situation.

Wiers and colleagues’ work on “dual process” models of addiction — explicit cognition versus automatic, implicit approach biases — captures this well. Cognitive bias modification research grew directly out of the finding that explicit knowledge doesn’t touch these automatic processes.

The transition from goal-directed use to habit. Everitt and Robbins’ work describes how repeated substance use shifts control from goal-directed brain circuits (which respond to consequences and knowledge) to habitual, and eventually compulsive, circuits centred in the dorsal striatum. Compulsive behaviour is, by definition, less responsive to knowing better. Decades of use can entrench this shift very deeply.

For example:

Early: goal-directed. Bad day → “I want to relax” → decide to drink. The action is chosen and tied to an expected outcome. If consequences got bad enough, the person could still stop — this runs through prefrontal cortex and ventral striatum.

Middle: habit. After years of stress → drink → relief, the sequence no longer needs a decision. Walking in the door at 6pm triggers pouring a drink before any conscious “do I want this?” moment happens. The cue now drives the action directly. Control has shifted to dorsolateral striatum — same circuitry as driving a familiar route on autopilot.

Late: Compulsive. In Everitt and Robbins’ animal studies, drug-seeking gets paired with a mild shock. Most animals stop once punished. But a subset — roughly a third, matching the rate of severe addiction in humans — keeps seeking the drug even though it now reliably delivers a shock. That’s the model for compulsion: behaviour persisting despite known, immediate harm.

The human version: Someone with DUI’s, lost relationships, health scares — every piece of proof the behaviour is destructive — still relapses. Not from lack of knowledge; they’ve lived the consequences repeatedly. The circuitry driving the behaviour at this stage doesn’t consult the consequence-tracking system the way it did early on.

This is also why pure education or insight-oriented therapy often under-performs at this stage — it’s arguing with a system that isn’t listening. Interventions that interrupt the cue-response link itself (contingency management, environmental restructuring, craving-blunting medication, removing triggers) tend to have more traction, because they target the habit/compulsion circuit rather than trying to out-inform it.

Koob and Volkow’s allostasis model. Their research reframes chronic addiction as a shift from positive reinforcement (seeking a high) to negative reinforcement (avoiding a increasingly severe dysphoric, anxious, irritable state without the substance). Long-term users aren’t chasing a reward anymore — they’re fleeing a state. That flight response is fast, automatic, and largely indifferent to intellectual understanding.

Unresolved comorbidity. A large fraction of people with treatment-resistant, decades-long relapse patterns have under-treated trauma, complex PTSD, personality disorders, or conditions like ADHD sitting underneath the substance use. If the underlying driver isn’t directly addressed, coping skills training treats the symptom while the engine keeps running. This is a common finding in dual-diagnosis literature — outcomes are much worse when co-occurring conditions go unaddressed even amid extensive substance-focused treatment.

Recovery capital, not just recovery knowledge. William White’s work on recovery capital argues sustained recovery depends on social, financial, physical, and community resources — stable housing, relationships, purpose, employment — not just internal coping skills. Someone can have excellent DBT (Dialectical Behaviour Therapy) skills and still relapse repeatedly if their environment, relationships, or life structure haven’t meaningfully changed.

Relapse as expected, not exceptional. Prochaska and DiClemente’s stages-of-change model treats relapse as a normal part of the cycle, not a failure of knowledge. But when relapse repeats over decades despite intensive treatment, researchers increasingly look at severity markers — poly-substance use, genetic loading, age of onset, impulsivity and risk-taking — that predict a harder course regardless of how much psychoeducation someone has absorbed.

The consistent variable across all of this: Insight is necessary but nowhere near sufficient. Addiction at that level of chronicity behaves more like a deeply conditioned neurobiological and habitual process than an information deficit. That’s also part of why chronic relapse is increasingly framed like a chronic illness — closer to diabetes or hypertension in its relapsing-remitting course — rather than something insight alone should be expected to resolve.

Here’s what the literature and clinical guidelines point to for people who’ve cycled through standard treatment repeatedly without sustained success. I’ll organise by approach type.

Pharmacological — often underused

  • For opioid use disorder, methadone and buprenorphine substantially outperform abstinence-only approaches in treatment-resistant populations — this is some of the strongest evidence in the entire addiction field, yet many long-term relapsers have never actually been offered maintenance medication, often due to program philosophy (abstinence-only 12-step programs) rather than clinical reasoning.
  • For alcohol, naltrexone (blocks the reward), acamprosate (reduces post-acute withdrawal dysregulation), and disulfiram (aversive) are under-prescribed. Naltrexone specifically blunts the reward signal that drives compulsive use — targeting the biology rather than relying on willpower.
  • Emerging: psychedelic-assisted therapy (psilocybin, ketamine) is showing promise in trials for alcohol and other use disorders, though this is newer evidence and not yet standard of care everywhere.

Interrupting the cue-response cycle directly

  • Contingency management — tangible rewards for verified abstinence — has some of the best effect sizes in the literature, particularly for stimulant use disorders where no strong pharmacological option exists. It works by directly competing with the habit circuit rather than arguing with it.
  • Environmental restructuring — changing routes, routines, social circles, physically removing cues — matters more than intellectual insight at this stage, because the behaviour has become cue-triggered rather than decision-driven.

Treating what’s underneath

  • Systematic assessment for under-treated trauma, complex PTSD, ADHD, and personality disorders. Trauma-focused therapies (EMDR, prolonged exposure, Seeking Safety) address the driver rather than just the symptom, and are often skipped in standard programs focused on the substance alone.
  • Integrated dual-diagnosis treatment (treating psychiatric conditions and addiction concurrently, by the same team) outperforms sequential or parallel treatment where the person bounces between separate providers.

Building recovery capital, not just coping skills

  • Housing First and supported employment models — stabilising the environment before or alongside treatment — show better outcomes than clinical treatment alone in chronic, treatment-resistant cases. William White’s recovery capital framework: outcomes track with social support, stable housing, purpose, and community as much as with therapy itself.
  • Recovery community centres and mutual-aid alternatives beyond 12-step (SMART Recovery, Refuge Recovery) matter for people whose repeated 12-step involvement hasn’t translated to sustained sobriety — fit between the person and the model isn’t universal.

Reframing the model of care itself

  • Treating addiction like a chronic relapsing-remitting illness (the diabetes/hypertension model) rather than an acute, curable event changes what “treatment resistant” even means. Long-term, low-intensity, indefinite maintenance care (medication, periodic check-ins, ongoing peer support) shows better outcomes than repeated cycles of intensive short-term treatment followed by discharge.
  • Harm reduction as a bridge or destination — not necessarily full abstinence — for people who haven’t achieved abstinence-based sobriety after years of trying. This reduces mortality and morbidity even when abstinence isn’t currently achievable, and can sometimes become a pathway toward it later.
  • Multidimensional Family Therapy / systemic approaches — treating the family/relational system rather than the individual alone — show better outcomes for people whose relapse is tangled up in unchanged relational dynamics.

Related Post

The Psychology of Gossiping – in a snapshotThe Psychology of Gossiping – in a snapshot

Gossiping is a universal social behaviour that involves the giving and receiving of information about others, generally perceived as having a negative effect on social groups and it is commonly sensationalistic in manner. The psychology of gossiping encompasses various aspects of human behaviour, including social interaction, communication, and interpersonal relationships.

Gossiping serves several psychological functions, such as forming and maintaining social bonds, establishing group norms, and conveying social information. Understanding the psychology of gossiping requires an examination of the underlying motivations, cognitive processes, and social dynamics involved in this behaviour.

One of the primary psychological functions of gossiping is its role in social bonding. According to evolutionary psychologists, gossiping may have evolved as a mechanism for monitoring and regulating social relationships within groups. By sharing information about others, individuals can establish and reinforce alliances, as well as identify potential threats or allies within their social networks. Gossiping also serves as a form of social currency, allowing individuals to exchange information and build rapport with others.

Furthermore, gossiping can be driven by intrinsic motivations related to curiosity and entertainment. People are naturally drawn to stories about others, particularly those involving conflict, romance, or scandal. This inclination toward sensationalistic narratives reflects the human tendency to seek novelty and emotional arousal through storytelling. From a psychological perspective, gossiping can be seen as a means of satisfying these innate cognitive and emotional needs.

In addition to its role in social bonding and entertainment, gossiping serves as a mechanism for transmitting social information and enforcing group norms. Through gossip, individuals communicate expectations and judgements regarding behaviour, values, and social roles within their communities. Gossip can function as a form of informal social control by publicly sanctioning or condemning certain behaviours, thereby influencing the conduct of group members.

The psychology of gossiping involves considerations of ethical and moral implications. While gossip can facilitate social cohesion and information sharing, it can also lead to negative consequences such as reputational damage, interpersonal conflict, disharmony, and breaches of privacy. Understanding the psychological mechanisms underlying gossiping can shed light on the ethical dilemmas associated with this behaviour and inform strategies for promoting responsible communication within social contexts.

Gossiping can indeed be malicious, as it involves spreading rumors or information about others that may be harmful, untrue, or damaging to their reputation. Malicious gossip can have serious consequences for the individuals involved, leading to damaged relationships, loss of trust, and even psychological harm. It is important to understand the impact of malicious gossip and the ethical considerations surrounding the spread of such information.

Malicious gossip is often driven by negative intentions, such as jealousy, resentment, or a desire to harm someone’s reputation. It can take various forms, including spreading false information about an individual’s personal life, career, or character. In some cases, malicious gossip may be used as a tool for bullying or manipulation, with the intent to undermine someone’s social standing or credibility.

The effects of malicious gossip can be far-reaching. It can lead to strained relationships, social ostracism, and damage to one’s professional reputation. In extreme cases, it can even result in legal action if the spread of false information causes tangible harm to an individual’s livelihood or well-being.

In summary, the psychology of gossiping encompasses various psychological functions, including its role in social bonding, entertainment, information transmission, and norm enforcement. By examining the underlying motivations, cognitive processes, and social dynamics involved in gossiping, researchers can gain insights into the complexities of human social behavior and interpersonal communication.

References:

Adler, R., & Proctor II, R. F. (2014). Looking out/looking in (14th ed.). Cengage Learning. (Print)

Dunbar, R.I.M. “Gossip in Evolutionary Perspective.” Review of General Psychology (Print)

Foster E.K., & Campbell W.K. “The Psychology of Gossip: A Review.” Social Psychological Review (Print)

Kniffin K.M., & Wilson D.S. “Evolutionary Perspectives on Gossip.” Social Psychology Quarterly (Print)

Kowalski, R. M., Limber, S. P., & Agatston, P. W. (2012). Cyberbullying: Bullying in the digital age (2nd ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. (Print)

Manning, J., & Levine, L. J. (2016). The psychology of social media: Why we like, share, comment and keep coming back. Routledge. (Print)

Robbins M.L., & Karan A. “Gossip: The Good, The Bad & The Ugly.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology (Print)

Salmivalli, C., & Graham-Kevan, N. (Eds.). (2019). Intimate partner violence: New perspectives in research and practice. Routledge. (Print)

Smith, P., & Steffgen, G. (Eds.). (2013). Cyberbullying through the new media: Findings from an international network. Psychology Press. (Print)

Sommerfeld R.D., & Jordan J.J. “The Evolutionary Foundations of Gossip.” Biological Theory (Print)

When our intelligent and necessary emotion – ANGER – becomes unhealthy and damagingWhen our intelligent and necessary emotion – ANGER – becomes unhealthy and damaging

The function of anger is to protect vulnerability and neutralize threat.

The threat humans cognitively perceive is almost always to the ego i.e., how we want to think of ourselves and have others think of us. Anger neutralizes ego-threat by devaluing, demeaning, or undermining the “power” of the person perceived to be threatening. Humans get angry when they don’t get what they want, when they’re disrespected, or when they perceive something is unjust/unfair. Anger, the emotion, is a chemical messenger. It communicates to us, to others, and motivates us to act, speak, do something. Healthy responses to anger include being assertive, feeling empowered, protecting ourselves and love ones from ACTUAL threat, setting boundaries with others, and making social change for justice (for example). It becomes unhealthy when we become passive-aggressive, violent, vengeful, spiteful, aggressive, resentful, sarcastic, “moody”, rude etc.

Receive the message and respond from a wise, calm place after the intensity of the emotion has past. Sometimes we have to act in the moment. Our ancestors may have required this for fight/flight survival. These days, we can generally PAUSE and calm the self before responding from a mindful and compassionate heart and mind. Remember: Hurt people, hurt people.

The Trolley Problem ProblemThe Trolley Problem Problem

Picture a runaway trolley hurtling down a track. Five people are tied to the rails ahead. On a side track, there is one person — a child. You are standing at the lever. Pull it, and the child dies. Leave it, and five adults are killed. What do you do?

This is the Trolley Problem — a thought experiment introduced by philosopher Philippa Foot in 1967 and endlessly debated ever since. It seems, at first glance, like a maths question dressed up in moral clothing. But the more honestly you sit with it, the more it reveals about something far deeper: what we actually believe about human life, responsibility, and the ethics of inaction… and perhaps the need for substantial more information in this hypothetical. We may also need to ask questions about the assumptions of the question, such as, why do we assume five lives are worth more than one when no measurable value can be placed on a life?

Can we really put a number on a life?

The utilitarian answer is clean and confident: pull the lever. Five lives outweigh one. The arithmetic is straightforward. But this assumes something that many of us instinctively resist — that human lives can be compared, ranked, or traded against one another like items on a balance sheet.

Philosophers call this the problem of incommensurability: the idea that some values simply cannot be reduced to a common scale. Five dollars is worth more than one dollar. But is five lives worth more than one life? The moment we accept that framing, we have already conceded something profound — that people are, in some sense, fungible. Interchangeable. Countable.

Most of us feel, in our bones, that this is wrong. And yet we struggle to articulate why.

“The moment we start counting lives,
we have already made a philosophical choice —
one with consequences far beyond any trolley.”

Context is not a distraction — it is the point

Consider what changes when we add detail to the dilemma. The five adults are elderly, estranged from family, and living rough. The one person is a child with parents who adore them, siblings, a whole life ahead. Does this change the calculus? Should it?

Many philosophers would say we are introducing emotional noise — that the exercise demands we strip away context to test our principles in their purest form. But there is a compelling counter-argument: stripping away context does not purify the dilemma. It destroys it. Because in the real world, a human life does not exist in isolation. It exists within a web of relationships, responsibilities, histories, and futures. The loss of one child reverberates through a family — through parents, siblings, grandparents, friends — in ways that may echo for generations. The loss of five people who have drifted from the world still has weight, still has meaning, but the ripples spread differently.

This is not sentimentality. It is, arguably, a more honest and sophisticated form of moral reasoning than the cold arithmetic of classical utilitarianism.

The Epistemic Objection is a well-recognized challenge. If consequentialism tells you to produce the best outcomes, but outcomes are radically unknowable, then the theory may be practically action-guiding in name only. You can never actually know you’re doing the right thing, which some philosophers argue renders it useless as a decision procedure even if it’s correct as a moral theory.

This connects to what philosophers call the “cluelessness problem”, articulated rigorously by philosopher William MacAskill and others. The argument runs roughly:

  • Consequentialism requires you to consider all consequences
  • Long-run consequences of any action are deeply uncertain and potentially vast
  • Therefore we are systematically clueless about what consequentialism actually requires of us
  • This is not a minor inconvenience — it may be a fundamental flaw

The Responses Consequentialists Make

To be fair, consequentialists have replies:

  • Expected value theory — you act on probabilities, not certainties. You use the best available estimate of outcomes
  • Rule consequentialism — instead of calculating act by act, you follow rules that generally produce good outcomes, sidestepping some epistemic chaos
  • Satisficing (good enough) consequentialism — you don’t need to maximise, just produce outcomes good enough

Is doing nothing really doing nothing?

Here is where the thought experiment takes its sharpest turn. Many people, when confronted with the trolley problem, feel that not pulling the lever is somehow morally safer — that inaction absolves them of responsibility. After all, they did not cause the trolley to exist. They did not tie anyone to the tracks.

But this reasoning deserves serious scrutiny. If you are standing at the lever, you have agency. You have full knowledge of the situation. You have the physical ability to intervene. At the moment you choose not to act, you are not opting out of the moral situation — you are making a deliberate choice within it. The mental process is identical to pulling the lever: you weigh your options and select one. The only difference is whether your hand moves.

The philosopher Peter Singer pushed this point hard with a simpler scenario: if you walked past a child drowning in a shallow pond and chose not to help because you didn’t want to ruin your clothes, almost everyone would consider you morally culpable. The water caused the drowning. But your character is revealed by what you were willing — and unwilling — to do.

“Inaction, when chosen consciously by someone with agency and the ability to intervene, is not a neutral act. It is a moral choice — and it tells us something real about who we are.”

This connects to the concept of moral cowardice: avoiding a difficult choice not because inaction is right, but because acting feels uncomfortable, costly, or risky. Virtue ethics — the tradition stretching back to Aristotle — holds that our character is defined not just by what we do, but by what we are willing to do, and what we are prepared to let happen when we could have stopped it.

Where we draw the line — and why it matters

There is another dimension to this worth sitting with: how we decide which living things deserve moral consideration in the first place. If we accept that all life has inherent value, where does that obligation end? Plants are alive. So are insects. So are fish, pigs, chimpanzees.

One principled place to draw the line is at sentience — the capacity to suffer, to experience fear, to feel pain. A heart, a brain, a nervous system suggest an inner life that a plant, however alive, does not possess. This is not a perfect boundary. But it is a reasoned one. And it connects back to the trolley problem in a meaningful way: if what matters morally is the capacity for suffering and the existence of relational bonds, then the texture of each life on those tracks — not just the number — is morally relevant information.

What the trolley problem is really asking

The Trolley Problem endures not because it has a correct answer, but because it refuses to let us hide. It exposes the gap between what we say we believe and what we are actually prepared to do. It forces us to confront whether our moral intuitions are consistent, and whether the frameworks we use — utilitarian calculation, duty-based ethics, virtue and character — can survive contact with a real dilemma.

The most honest response is not to solve the problem, but to feel its full weight. To resist the urge to reduce it to arithmetic. To acknowledge that human lives are not units of currency, that context is not a distraction, and that the decision to do nothing is itself a decision — one that reflects, for better or worse, something true about the person standing at the lever.

There’s always a “trolley” coming.

The trolley problem doesn’t tell us what to do; it tells you something about who you are and forces genuine reflection. That’s closer to virtue ethics territory, ironically — where the question shifts from what produces the best outcome to what does this choice reveal about, and do to, my character.